Film Review by Natalie Hancock

 

Danton

 

The film Danton by Andrej Wajda is based on a play ‘The Danton Affair’ which was written in 1935 by polish playwright Stanislawa Przybyszweka. The story is set against the terror of the second year of the French republic in 1794 in which over 16,000 people died. It focuses on two of the main personalities of the era, Robespierre the head of the committee of public safety and advocate of the use of Mde Guillotine and Danton, moderate, idealist, adherent of the more liberal ideals of revolutionary rhetoric. He and his supporters believed in decreasing or cutting out the role that terror and the guillotine played in enforcing revolutionary policy. The film is also played out against a backdrop of severe political disturbance in Poland. The director Wadja actually was forced to stop production in 1981 and retired to France to complete the film. This lends a more 3 dimensional aspect to a film that might have otherwise seemed an interesting character study of two of the most controversial figures of this time.

 

The action in the film takes place only over a few months. In this short time it aims to illustrate all the major factors that affected the unstable machinations of a republican government that was still in its infancy.  The film opens with a bleak portrait of Paris in the spring of 1794. People are queuing for limited supplies of bread. Already in only the second year of the republic discontent is in the air. Danton returns from the country back into the arms of his people. His carriage is beset on all sides as the people in the streets greet his arrival. This lively, hearty and much loved man is juxtaposed to the sickly figure of Robespierre. At the beginning of the film when we first see Robespierre he is in bed sick. This weakness is played on throughout the film. Whereas the first time we see Danton it is amongst lots of people, the first time we see Robespierre he is sick and alone. In the house of this staunch advocator of the terror, the maidservant is indoctrinating her little brother with the revolutionary creed, The declaration of the rights of man and the citizen. These opening scenes sum up how the characters will be portrayed throughout the rest of the film. The film draws upon the common conceptions of both characters Danton as a ‘man of the people’ and Robespierre as the cold-hearted instigator of the terror. Their physical differences are used as visible manifestation of their ideological standing.

 

The film is set around events leading up to and including the trial and execution of Danton and some of his supporters and cohorts. The film is rich with symbolism and metaphor. It draws many parallels to the contemporary communist state in Poland from which Wadja had fled. This is made explicit in the opening minutes when the contents of Camille Desmoulins pamphlet are being read aloud to Robespierre. It states that if Moscow had a free press Russia would be free tomorrow.’ This tack of metaphor so explicit from the beginning of the film is then pursued more subtlety as this story of post revolutionary France unfolds. The story is also conveyed with a fair degree of not little historical accuracy. The characters of Danton and Robespierre are fully developed, they are not depicted as merely two dimensional characters, which is so often the case in films of this nature, particularly with an ulterior political motive. It is not the case that the despotic tyrant Robespierre has the heroic man of the people Danton bloodily executed under the guise of the good of the state. Both characters are seen to be both good and bad, although ultimately Robespierre is far worse.

 

The main point of contention is seen to be this; Danton wants an end to the terror and Robespierre advocates its use as a necessary tool of the continuation of the new republic. Their associates urge both parties into action, Robespierre by the Committee for Public Safety and Danton by his friends who can see how the Committee’s opinion is gathering against them. They are gradually becoming a greater target of violence from the regime. This is exemplified in the destruction of Desmoulins printing premises for his leaflet. Danton is the figurehead and leader of this group and he is looked to instigate a move against the government, as it is he who has the support of the people, rather than the committees who rule in their name. This is technically correct although he knew he was back in the city for this purpose having been compelled out of retirement in the countryside.

 

The Committee had been waging a long campaign against all its opponents, including Dantonists and Indulgents. What is not mentioned in this film is that the left wing opponents were also being targeted at this time, for example those in the Cordeliers Club or the Paris Commune were seen as a threat to stable government.   Robespierre is quoted as saying that ‘we must sail between the twin reefs of weakness and temerity….We have to avoid the two abuses for by one the Republic  would be threatened with death from internal dislocation, and by the other it would inevitably perish from failure to adopt energetic measures.’[1]    Indeed energetic measures were taken. The opportunity for the Committee arose around the subject the East India Company affair. The links to Danton were at best dubious although there was little doubt about the involvement of certain of his friends, and while in the film this is depicted as little more than a trumped up charge the connection was real. Yet Danton’s involvement only came in under the banner of aiding his friend Phillipeaux. It was perhaps his arrogance, portrayed in the film in a view that he is ‘untouchable’ by the Committee, that finally seals his fate. This is also seen to be a contributory factor to his downfall by historians. This ‘mistaken confidence in his invulnerability’[2] both in the film and in his life did lead to his downfall. He realises only too late that the ‘democracy’ of the terror would strike upon him.

 

Robespierre did indeed meet with Danton and Desmoulins before their arrests to try and make them see the Committee’s way of thinking, but this was not to be. It was through his unwillingness to deny his friendship with Phillipeaux, because he still held some belief that Phillipeaux would remain under his protection, that led to his eventual trial. The records show that he was arrested for ‘nothing very much in particular’[3], and as Danton himself recognised the trial was only a formality. He knew his fate was sealed, ‘Here is my head to answer for everything….Life is a burden to me, I am impatient to be rid of it’.[4] Danton and his friends were sentenced after a highly controversial trial, in which there were indeed prevented from speaking and it was possible that there were only seven jurors as shown in the film. The hood that had covered the guillotine at the beginning of the film was now removed and its purpose was clear, to kill Danton. All this under the pretext that the ‘fundamental principle of democratic government….is the essential underpinning which sustains it and makes it work’.[5] The death of Danton was therefore essential because there could be no compromise between the two; this would have created a rift that could have torn the republic apart.

 

Perhaps the crucial difference between Danton and Robespierre was that Danton was a theorist and idealist and Robespierre had to put ideas into action he was a pragmatist. He had to find a way to make things work. This way at least the republic continued on for a while longer, although it claimed Robespierre too a few months later. This perhaps can be gleaned at the end of the film when he draws his bed sheet over his head like a death shroud. Perhaps his sickness throughout the film could be seen as indicative of a system, or an ideology, that Wajda finds inherently weak or sick.

 

There are many similarities to be drawn between this film and the totalitarian regime that was in power in Poland at the time the film was being made.  The leading characters in the film are fine orators as can be exemplified in the dinner scene with Danton. Oratory Propaganda was something that was widely associated with totalitarian leaders of both left and right wing regimes. In the film when it becomes time to sign the warrant for Danton’s arrest, the people urge Robespierre on in the system rather than a real crime against democracy. The ‘committees’ themselves also echo the vanguard of the proletariat that is crucial in Hegelian and Marxist ideology. Yet in real life, what begins in the name of the people becomes their subjugation under an oligarchy or a singular despot. Wadja also includes the commonly used justification in the film of this type of rule. ‘The despot says let innocent people die rather than the culprit escape’[6] and agreeing with the Machiavellian principle that deeds done for the greater good, however normally horrible, are therefore lesser evils. Even by mentioning Machiavelli Wadja draws on contemporary connotations of him as a tyrannical ruler and therefore these justifications are negated. There is no justification for this either in 1794 or in 1982.

 

It is these and other subtleties that make Danton a very interesting and entertaining film. It is an attack on any inherently corrupt political system. Any system that uses ideology to subjugate the people it should be trying to free. By using these to very different political systems Wajda show that this corruption is liable through all ideologies and none should be complacent of their infallibility. The leader however good his intentions may or may not be he can easily become ‘the vile instrument of despotism’,[7] that he is trying to be rid of.

 

This film is educational and historically accurate especially considering its ulterior motives. It gets the feel of the desperation to keep order in post-revolutionary France when the ideological promise of the revolution seems to me failing, when all measures seem acceptable and necessary.



[1] Rude, George, Robespierre, William Collins and Sons, 1975,p174

[2] Hampson, Danton, Duckworth Press, 1978, p155

[3] ibid. p163

[4] Forrest, Alan. The French Revolution, Blackwell Press. 1995, p67

[5] Doyle, The Oxford History of the French Revolution, Clarendon Press, 1989, p272

[6] Wadja, Danton, 1989

[7] www.arts.adelaide.edu.au/persona…Revolution/RobespierreSupremeBeing.html